Wednesday, September 21, 2005

Hear the "hello garci" tape

I was fortunate to have obtained a digital copy of the controversial audio tape in which you can hear the current Malacanang resident talking to different persons in several conversations revolving around the 2004 presidential election.

Hear it! It's evil.

For me, GMA should resign immediately before the Filipino people oust her. The clock is ticking...

The complete transcript is available at http://www.philippineupdate.com/complete-transcript.pdf.

RINGTONES

Want a ‘Hello Garci’ ringtone? Download it at www.txtpower.org.

You have the right to avail of the ringtone (if you want to) just like you have a right to know who really won in last year’s elections…

Ipaglaban ang malayang Pilipinas!



Click here to see more photos





Monday, September 05, 2005

Asian Lawyers criticize Gloria

Counsels for the Defense of Liberties (CODAL)
4 September 2005

ASIAN LAWYERS CONDEMN KILLINGS OF LAWYERS IN THE PHILIPPINES

The Fourth Conference of Lawyers in Asia and the Pacific (COLAP 4) held in Seoul on September 2-3, 2005 issued a Joint Declaration yesterday condemning human rights violations in many Asian counties including the killings of Philippine lawyers which it considered as an attack against the human rights of the Filipino people.

This Declaration followed the scathing criticism of the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo government from Jitendra Sharma in his keynote speech, for failing to act on the spate of killings and harassment of lawyers in the Philippines. Mr. Sharma, who is the President of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) and one of the largest international organizations of lawyers, specifically mentioned the killing of BAYAN (New Patriotic Alliance) chairman Atty. Norman Bocar as the latest of a series of killings that causes concern for lawyers from all over the world.

The Conference, which was attended by about 250 lawyers, law professors and law students from Korea, Japan, US, India, Bangladesh, Egypt, China, Pakistan, New Zealand, Vietnam and the Philippines declared that "human rights of the people in Asia and the Pacific continue to be violated in many counties, and this must be condemned. In the Philippines, several lawyers who represented people's causes and judges have recently been assassinated, reflecting on the situation in the region." The COLAP "confirmed the need for peace and solidarity movements to secure human rights" in the region and the world.

The Philippines was represented by Atty. Neri Javier Colmenares and Atty. Edre U. Olalia, two of the convenors of the Counsels for the Defense of Liberties (CODAL). Olalia also acts as the Vice President of the International Association of People's Lawyers (IAPL) which has earlier denounced in May the previous killings and viewed the Philippines as a "dangerous place" for lawyers and judges.

The Joint Declaration also opposed the US war of aggression in Iraq and Afghanistan for "economic, political, and military dominance of the region" and called for the immediate withdrawal of US troops. The assembly also scored "anti-terrorism¡" measures which violate human rights of the people in several countries including the Philippines. The COLAP lawyers also oppose the "ideology of neo-liberal globalization adversely impacting on the lives of workers and farmers" and which increases exploitation of peoples. COLAP furthermore recognized the need to rectify the rights of migrant workers which are disregarded in many countries including Korea where there are an estimated 55,000 Filipino migrant workers.

In a show of solidarity, COLAP 4 through Prof. Osamu Niikura, Secretary General of the Japan Lawyers Association, asked the Philippines during the closing ceremonies to host the next Asian-Pacific lawyers' conference or COLAP 5 in Manila in 2007. #

Reference: Atty. Neri Javier Colmenares
CODAL Spokesperson

Justice for Rev. Raul Domingo!

September 4, 2005

STOP POLITICAL KILLINGS! JUSTICE FOR REV. RAUL DOMINGO AND ALL VICTIMS OF STATE REPRESSION! OUST THE FASCIST AND FRAUDULENT ARROYO REGIME!

TWO WEEKS AFTER HE WAS SHOT BY TWO SUSPECTED MILITARY AGENTS, REV. RAUL DOMINGO PASSED AWAY THIS MORNING, SEPTEMBER 4, 2005 AT THE PHILLIPINE LUNG CENTER. Last August 20, he was shot four times by two men riding in motorcycle in Barangay San Jose, Puerto Prinsesa City, Palawan. From the provincial hospital, he was brought to Manila where doctors tried hard to stabilize his condition. But his lung was badly hit by his assassins. He fell into coma then finally passed away this morning.

We in the Kapatirang Simbahan para sa Bayan (Kasimbayan) and Promotion of Church People's Response (PCPR) condemn in strongest terms the endless and ruthless wave of political killings targeting human rights workers and peace activists including faithful church workers who live out the prophetic mission and ministry of the church. We join the wife and five children of Rev. Domingo in demanding justice and immediate end to the wave of political killings under the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration.

Arroyo will fly to New York next week to represent the Philippines in the United Nations (UN) gathering. We urge Filipinos and all concerned citizens to stage protest rallies to expose and oppose the Arroyo regime's brutal policy of repression and gross human rights violations. With the death of the impeachment complaint against Arroyo, we demand more than ever that this fraudulent and fascist president must be ousted, arrested and prosecuted for high crimes of graft, corruption and systematic killings in the Philippines.

Under Arroyo, it is deplorable that aside from being listed as one of the "most dangerous place for journalists," our country has become one of the most dangerous place for activist priests and pastors, peasant and labor leaders, lawyers and all activist citizens perceived to be enemies of the state. Despite urgent calls from the Filipino people and the international community to stop the political repression, GMA turned deaf to the cries of poor mothers, widows, children and all the people seeking justice for the victims of human rights violations.

We mourn the death of another prophet who, like the late Rev. Edison Lapuz, Joel Baclao, Fr. William Tadena and others was brutally silenced by the state. Rev. Domingo was a dedicated pastor of the United Church of the Philippines (UCCP). As Key Minister of the Palawan Associate Conference (PAC) -District II, he was active in the life of the church especially in the PAC- Church Workers Organization and Christian Witness and Service (CWS) program of the UCCP. As an activist in the promotion of human rights and social justice, he served as a dedicated leader of the provincial chapter of the human rights alliance (KARAPATAN), KASIMBAYAN and the multi-sectoral alliance Bagong Alyansang Makabayan. For all his social involvements, especially in denouncing military abuses and large-scale mining in the Southern Tagalog region, Rev. Domingo became a victim of grave threats and harassment in the last several years before he was shot on August 20.

Ms Norma Dollaga
General Secretary
Kapatirang Simbahan para sa Bayan (Kasimbayan)

Fr. Jerry Sabado, OCarm
National Council Member
Promotion of Church People's Response (PCPR)

Contact: 4107623

Thursday, August 18, 2005

Replace Arroyo with a Transition Council

People Power and the Transition Council as Alternative

By the Gloria Step Down Movement (GSM)*

In these times of political crisis, turmoil and uncertainty, one thing stands clear: Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) must go. However there is as yet no consensus as to how she will be made to step down and who or what must replace her government.

Indeed, there is some truth to the observation that had there been wide agreement on this, another people power uprising would have erupted and ousted Mrs. Arroyo by now. Putting it another way, the sooner a consensus is reached by the various groups calling and working for her removal, on how and what will replace her regime, the sooner Mrs. Arroyo will be removed from office.

Affirming people power

The government and its apologists and defenders warn the public against resorting to any “unconstitutional” means of unseating and replacing the ruling regime. They equate “unconstitutional” to anarchy, chaos, violence, etc. as though the current turmoil has not been caused both by blatantly unconstitutional anomalies and criminal acts perpetrated by those in power.

They deliberately obscure the fact that People Power 1 and 2 were themselves extra constitutional undertakings. Aquino declared her new government a “revolutionary” one and decreed an interim “Freedom Constitution”. On the other hand, Arroyo insisted that her ascendance to the presidency was due to constitutional succession even as the ouster of Estrada was itself extra constitutional.

But there is a growing number of Filipinos who are open to the idea of a transition government that will do away with the constitutional presidential succession in case Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo resigns or is ousted from MalacaƱang.

There is as well a growing consensus among many groups calling for the ouster of GMA that the best and most plausible way to override or break away from the “constitutional” process is through the formation of a “transition council” that will pave the way for the creation of a new form of government, and the election of a new administration that would be more representative of and accountable to the people and thus more responsive to the people’s interests.

It is an idea that has gained significant ground over the past weeks. This is because nobody wants to go through all the trouble of deposing Mrs. Arroyo just to install Noli de Castro, the supposed constitutional successor, as president. Neither is the option of a snap election under a transition government presided over by the Senate President acceptable, the people having lost all trust and confidence in the COMELEC; in fact, on the entire electoral process as we know it.

It is also an idea whose time has come. It springs from the widespread realization that more profound changes -- not merely of corrupt and unwanted leaders, not just of the rotten electoral process, but of the entire social, political and economic system – are necessary to lift our nation out of the morass of corruption, debt, spiraling prices, poverty, underdevelopment and violence. This sentiment is often expressed as frustration, disillusionment and even disgust over the governments installed by people power.

The people’s realization of the need for systemic reforms has maliciously been misrepresented by the GMA government and its apologists as “people power fatigue” or the supposed rejection of people power as a way out of the present crisis. On the contrary, it indicates a simple yet profound understanding that people power must aim for more than what it has achieved in the past. It shows that the people’s political consciousness has in fact significantly risen from the levels of Edsa 1 and 2.

We believe that what the people want is a people power that will lead to more substantial reforms. That will impact not only on their daily lives but also on the collective good of the nation and the future of generations to come.

On the People’s Agenda

It is not people power that we are dismayed with or tired of.

The people are tired of paying taxes, whether these be direct income taxes or indirect taxes paid through ever-increasing prices of basic goods and services, only to see that government revenues are spent on ever-increasing debt service, fat commissions and kickbacks from government contracts, vote-buying and rigging elections and the pursuit of bloody yet fruitless counter-insurgency programs. We are revolted by the shameless and brazen graft and corruption up to the highest reaches of the Arroyo government, considering that the people had installed it in power through a people’s uprising against corruption. We want a sound fiscal policy and a clean and honest bureaucracy that will not plunder the national coffers and bleed our people dry.

We are sick and tired of claims that our farmers are benefiting from the land reform program, when all around us we see supposed farmer beneficiaries being evicted from or dispossessed of their plots as these are converted into golf courses, subdivisions, commercial and industrial estates. We want genuine land reform that will free our tillers from serfdom and poverty, thereby vesting them with real democratic rights and liberate the economy from the clutches of feudalism.

We are dismayed by successive administrations’ servility to foreign capital – accelerating the removal of protective tariffs and barriers in the name of “globalization”, thereby stifling the growth and eventually killing off domestic industries and causing widespread joblessness. We are appalled by government’s schemes to amend the Constitution in order to grant foreigners the same rights Filipinos have in exploiting and profiting from our national patrimony. We want a robust industrial economy truly free from foreign domination and control.

We condemn rampant criminality, especially the involvement of officials and law enforcers in criminal activities, and the use of extra-judicial killings and other brutal and illegal coercive measures to suppress civil liberties and democratic rights. We want peace and order to reign over our land, o that each one may enjoy the fruits of his or her labor.

We oppose the Arroyo government’s blind support for the US-led “war on terror”. We shall continue to resist attempts to institute and employ draconian repressive measures to suppress protest and the bill of rights under the guise of countering “international and domestic terrorism”. We shall continue to seek and demand justice for the victims of such measures, including extra-judicial killings and harassments of mass leaders, journalists, and activists. We want peace based on justice.

We want no more of sham elections with rampant violence, vote buying and the wastage of government funds; where consequently only the rich and the powerful can win and the people are left with no real choices. We want an electoral process and political system where the poor and marginalized have a fair chance of being represented and their concerns heard and addressed by government.

We seek a government that would be truly representative of the people, especially the majority of the toiling masses and responsive to their needs in these difficult times—one that could unite and lead us in our arduous quest for freedom, democracy and social justice.

The “transition council” can pave the way to such an alternative government.

On the Transition Council as an alternative

There is as yet no consensus on the concept of an interim or transition group/committee/council as an alternative form of government. This is a matter that must be addressed cognizant of the fact that without the requisite consensus on how to remove Mrs. Arroyo from power, all talk of alternatives is at best premature; at worst, divisive.

Yet there is need and basis for describing the kind of transition council the people will identify with and embrace.

Such a transition council or government must necessarily be composed mainly of representatives of those groups that had worked the hardest for the ouster of the current regime, with due consideration to their size and political significance. Conceivably it will consist of representatives of the opposition, the militant democratic mass movement, the organizations of professionals, patriotic businessmen and other middle forces, and some of the retired military and police officers who enjoy the confidence of the active military and police forces.

It is perforce a civilian authority that is supreme to the armed forces and the police. Consequently any form of military or civilian-military junta is unacceptable and must be ejected.

Representatives of workers, peasants, women, youth and national minorities should be adequately and properly represented but this is something that must be struggled for by these sectors of society and must gain adherents from the middle classes and the political forces they lead.

But we must be realistic and come to terms with the fact that the ouster or resignation of Mrs. Arroyo cannot, by and of itself, dismantle the system of elite rule in this country. Thus it will not be progressives and mass-based leaders of the people who will be dominant in the transition council but traditional politicians and their allies who retain their basic allegiance to the status quo. In effect, the ouster or resignation of Arroyo in favor of a transition council will not resolve everything but it can be a good beginning.

This is especially so if the transition government is able to put up and unify the country on a program that is pro-Filipino, pro-people and biased for the poor, deprived and oppressed. It shall then prepare for and oversee, in a fixed and reasonable length of time, a free, fair, honest and truly democratic election process that will allow the people to choose their new executive and legislative leaders.

It can also call for the election of delegates to a Constitutional Convention (ConCon) that would in no way be similar to the “chacha” scheme of Mrs. Arroyo, former President Fidel Ramos and Speaker Jose de Venecia to change the Constitution for their vested interests. Such a constitutional convention should draft a patriotic and democratic Charter that shall be ratified by the people.

The ConCon could institute wide-ranging reforms in the electoral and political system including a shift to a parliamentary form of government that would enlarge the chances of poor candidates to win a seat in the Legislature, favor the development of party- and program-based politics and reduce the gridlock between the Executive and Legislative branches of government. It can also strengthen the pro-Filipino and pro-people economic provisions of the Charter as well as its national sovereignty provisions such as the nuclear- and bases-free provisions that have been circumvented by new treaties and executive agreements like the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) and the Mutual Logistics and Supply Agreement (MLSA).

How will the members of the transition council be chosen? In the first place, the strongest and most effective parties and organizations in the movement to force Mrs. Arroyo to resign, or in effect oust her from power, will come to the fore through the large numbers of people they are able to lead and influence, most especially to mount the mammoth mass actions that will be indispensable, if not decisive, in deposing Mrs. Arroyo.

Negotiations are even now taking place among such parties and organizations. They must constitute a convenors’ group that will then apportion delegates to a people’s congress or consultative assembly. The latter in turn shall select and acclaim the members of the transition council in an open, transparent and democratic manner. This must be done even before the Arroyo regime completely crumbles as we know it eventually will.

Conclusion

Putting an end to the Arroyo regime is something we must all work for in unity, with determination and fortitude. We in the middle forces must take the side of the majority of our people and act now to tip the balance in their favor, for our good as well as for the good of the entire nation.


*Paper presented by Fr. Jose Dizon, GSM spokesperson and convenor at the launching of the White Ribbon Movement, 23 July 2005, La Salle Greenhills.

This story was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. V, No. 24, July 24-30, 2005

Source: http://bulatlat.com/news/5-24/5-24-alternative.htm

Wednesday, July 20, 2005

Cha-cha ni Gloria

CHARTER CHANGE, GATS, AND PRESIDENTIAL SURVIVAL

The Arroyo administration is banking on Charter change for its political survival, but amid the hulabaloo on the political aspects of Cha-cha, it should be remembered that its proponents also want to change vital economic provisions in the Charter.

By Joseph Yu

IBON Features-- As President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo struggles to hold on to the presidency, it seems her only hope lies in amending the Constitution. Charter change and the false hopes it offers are Arroyo's last chance to avert not just another popular uprising that would sweep her from power, but a more extreme political scenario such as a military junta.

The Arroyo administration is also urgently pursuing Charter change due to the current economic and financial crisis resulting from its adherence to globalization policies. The government is in dire economic straits as liberalization of trade and investment has substantially eroded domestic sources of industrial and agrarian growth, and resulted in a brewing balance of payments crisis.

Public debate on Charter change has so far revolved around the manner of changing the Constitution and the political "reforms" involved. Hence: a constituent assembly or a constitutional convention. A presidential vs. a parliamentary system.

But in the midst of all the hulabaloo about the political aspects of Charter change, some people seem to have forgotten that proponents of Constitutional reform also want to change vital economic provisions in the Charter. These changes would ease the entry of foreign investments in sectors that were previously restricted to Filipinos. Although Charter change would result in a short-term economic boost as a result of an influx of foreign direct investments (FDI), it would be at the cost of further long-term damage to the local economy.

Undermining Economic Sovereignty

The 1987 Constitution has not successfully regulated the country's trade and investment relations with other countries towards developing national industries and domestic agriculture. The most that can be said is that the Constitution has partially contained the full implementation of globalization policies and forced monopoly capitalists-- with the cooperation of the government-- to find ways to bypass, subvert or totally disregard it.

The concept of economic sovereignty is in fact enshrined in the Constitution's Declaration of Principles, which says that the State shall: develop a self-reliant and independent national economy effectively controlled by Filipinos; and pursue an independent foreign policy whose paramount consideration shall be national sovereignty, territorial integrity, national interest and the right to self-determination.

Specific Charter provisions on economic sovereignty include:


  • Restricting foreign ownership, the degree of foreigners' involvement in decision-making and the grounds of expropriation;

  • Regulating the exploration, development and use of the national patrimony and defining corresponding rights, privileges and concessions;

  • Giving preference to Filipinos and stating the responsibility to protect, encourage and promote Filipino economic activity;

  • Giving the state various powers with which to assert national sovereignty, specifically in terms of: regulating trade, monopolies and other economic activity in the public interest and in favor of Filipinos; defining the State's treaty making powers; and giving the Supreme Court the power to assert the Constitution's nationalist provisions.



In principle, these provisions could be used to assert the Philippines' economic sovereignty at least in a limited way. In practice however, administrations from Ramos to Arroyo have seen these as barriers to foreign direct investments that should be removed. It has even undermined these provisions by ratifying the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and becoming a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and by passing laws such as the Foreign Investment Act of 1991 and the Philippine Mining Act of 1995.

Foreign chambers of commerce and other big business interests have also not been shy about revealing their preferences for Charter change. The US, in particular, has been very vocal in criticizing restrictions on foreign ownership of land and other nationality requirements in public utilities (i.e. electricity, water, telecommunications, public transport) and other sectors such as banking and advertising.

Foreign Domination of Services

Charter change is also in line with government's commitments to open the economy under the WTO. This would lead to transnational corporations gaining control of vital sectors of the domestic economy.

Recently, the government announced that it would open six service sectors to foreign investors under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). The offer covers information technology (IT), construction, distribution, energy, and environmental and tourism services. Constitutional "reform" would ease the process of opening these sectors to foreign investors.

For example, investing in the environmental services sector (which includes water and sewerage) would be more attractive to outside investors if total foreign control would be allowed. Although water services have been privatized, full foreign ownership is still prohibited under the Constitution.

The offer to liberalize the construction and energy sectors covers services incidental to the mining industry. After the Supreme Court recently upheld the 1995 Mining Act, government is hell-bent on liberalizing the industry, in violation of the Constitution and at the expense of indigenous peoples and small communities who oppose mining on their lands. Removing economic sovereignty provisions in the Charter would preclude later legal challenges to foreign control of these sectors.

Adherence to GATS itself should be prohibited under the Constitution because of its requirement for WTO members to extend most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment to trading partners. MFN treatment means that if a country allows foreign presence in a sector, it must allow equal opportunities in that sector to service providers from all other WTO member-nations.

But it can also be interpreted to mean that a government cannot provide incentives to domestic providers of a service without providing the same incentives to foreign providers. This sharply restricts government's powers to develop the local economy by protecting it against competition from foreign providers. This goes against Article XII Sec. 1 of the Constitution, which says that the State shall "protect Filipino enterprises against unfair foreign competition and trade practices."

It should also be noted that MFN treatment applies even if a country has made no specific commitments to provide foreign companies access to its markets under the WTO.

Presidential Survival Tactics

The Arroyo administration is banking on Charter change for its political survival. In a recent speech before 500 Philippine consuls and honorary consuls to the US and Filipino-American investors, Arroyo once again pledged that she would speed up constitutional amendments.

But it is clear that the real motive behind Charter change is to remove Constitutional provisions on economic sovereignty that hamper transnational corporations' full exploitation of the country's natural resources and labor.

Charter change advocates also aim to tighten their control over the political system by diluting the Charter's provisions on civil liberties and human rights. This would allow them to stifle dissent over their iniquitous economic policies. Moves towards the intensification of state repression are already evident with the rash of killings of activists.

Admittedly, the 1987 Constitution is not perfect. But for all its weaknesses, it must be prevented from becoming worse through Charter change. It is not the Constitution itself that is the root of the people's social and economic problems. The basic problems of the country are foreign domination, factionalism of elite politics, bad governance and feudal bondage-- and any Charter emerging amidst these problems can only be worse.

Meaningful constitutional change can only take place when it is driven by the people's true economic and political interests rather than in response to the demands of foreign interests.